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On February 6, 1981, at his first National Security Council meeting, Ronald Reagan told his advisers: “I will make the decisi***.” As Reagan’s Secret War reveals, these words provide the touchstone for understanding the extraordinary accomplishments of the Reagan administration, including the decisive events that led to the end of the Cold War.

In penning this book, New York Times bestselling authors Martin Anderson and Annelise Anderson drew upon their unprecedented access to more than eight million highly classified documents housed within the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library in Simi Valley, California—unseen by the public until now. Using his top secret clearances, Martin Anderson was able to access Ronald Reagan’s most privileged exchanges with subordinates and world leaders as well as the tactical record of how Reagan fought to win the Cold War and control nuclea***eap***.

The most revelatory of these documents are the minutes of Reagan-chaired National Security Council meetings, the dozens of secret letters sent by Reagan to world leaders, and the eyewitness notes from Reagan-Gorbachev summits. Along with these findings, the authors use Reagan’s speeches, radio addresses, personal diaries, and other correspondence to develop a striking picture of a man whose incisive intelligence, uncanny instincts, and quiet self-confidence changed the course of history.

What emerges from this treasure trove of material is irrefutable evidence that Reagan intended from his first days in office to bring down the Soviet Union, that he c***idered eliminating nuclea***eap*** his paramount objective, and that he—not his subordinates—was the principal architect of the policies that ultimately brought the Soviets to the nuclear-arms negotiating table. The authors also affirm that many of Reagan’s ideas, including his controversial “Star Wars” missile-defense initiative, proved essential in dissolving the Soviet Union and keeping America safe.

Riveting and eye-opening, Reagan’s Secret War provides a front-row seat to history, a journey into the political mind of a remarkable leader, and proof that one man can, through the force of his deep convicti***, bring about sweeping global change.

From the Hardcover edition.

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　　MARTIN ANDERSON and ANNELISE ANDERSON, husband and wife, are

coauthors of the New York Times bestsellers Reagan, In

His Own Hand; Reagan: A Life in Letters; and Reagan’s Path

to Victory. Both are Fellows at the Hoover Institution. Martin,

an M.I.T. Ph.D., worked in the Reagan White House as an economic

policy adviser and, more recently, sat on the Pentagon’s

defense-policy board. Annelise, a Columbia Ph.D., was a senior

policy adviser to the Reagan presidential campaign and was an

associate directo***ithin Reagan’s Office of Management and Budget,

where she was resp***ible for the budgets of five Cabinet

departments and more than forty other agencies.

　　From the Hardcover edition.

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　　Chapter 1

　　Reagan the Man

　　Ronnie became a loner.... He doesn't let anybody get too close.

There's a wall around him. -Nancy Reagan, 1989

　　The best clue to understanding Ronald Reagan is Nancy Reagan. She

is a graduate of Smith College in Massachusetts, a highly

intelligent woman, an actress who met Ronald Reagan in Hollywood

and married him in 1952. They were happily in love for more than

fifty years. Nancy was also his closest friend, perhaps his only

real friend, and she knew far more about him than anyone else in

the world.

　　In 1989, just after they had left office, Nancy wrote a book

about her life in which she told us more about Ronald Reagan than

anyone. She knew the key to his self-assurance-he was a loner. Here

is how she explained Reagan in her book:

　　It's hard to make close friends or to put down roots when you're

always moving, and I think this-plus the fact that everybody knew

his fathe***as an alcoholic-explained why Ronnie became a loner.

Although he loves people, he often seems remote, and he doesn't let

anybody get too close.

　　There's a wall around him. He lets me come closer than anyone

else, but there are times when even I feel that barrier.

　　Ronnie's closest friends and advisers have often been

disappointed that he keeps this distance....

　　Ronnie is an affable and gregarious man who enjoys other people,

but unlike most of us, he doesn't need them for compani***hip or

approval.

　　As he himself has told me, he seems to need only one other

person-me.

　　Despite all appearances, then, Reagan was a very private man. His

pollster, Richard Wirthlin, met with him one day in March 1983, to

give him the latest results. It was good news; the national polls

were showing that Reagan's policies were widely ***ed. While he

was reporting the polls, Reagan interrupted in midsentence and

said:

　　You know what I really want to be remembered for?

　　I want to be remembered as the President of the United States who

brought a sense and reality of peace and security. I want to

eliminate that awful fear that each of us feels sometimes when we

get up in the morning knowing that the world could be destroyed

through a nuclear holocaust.

　　As far as we know he only said that once, in private. His usual

answer about his legacy was a resp***e about restoring the American

economy.

　　Another foundation for Reagan's acti***, perhaps, was his high

intelligence-and his ability to hide it. He was an extraordinarily

bright pupil who even taught himself how to read a newspape***hen

he was five years old. But as time went on, he seemed to quickly

learn something that most highly intelligent people learn as they

grow older: a child who seems to know all the answers soon has few

friends. So he spent more time playing ball and being a regular

student.

　　Unlike many intelligent people, Reagan's self-confidence was also

great enough that he never felt he had to *** his knowledge

or his quickness. Indeed, on the front of his desk in the White

House was a small sign that carried the words "There's no limit to

what a man can do o***here he can go if he doesn't mind who gets

the credit."

　　One of Reagan's key tactics while deep in long and arduous

negotiati*** was to accept what his opponent had offered. He never

crowed ove***hat he was given; he just said thanks. As he explained

it one day in Fortune magazine:

　　I've never understood people who want me to hang in there for a

hundred percent or nothing. Why not take seventy percent or eighty

percent, and then come back another day for the other twenty or

thirty percent.

　　One of the few people who seemed to understand how Reagan managed

the White House was Washington Post editor Meg Greenfield. In 1984

she wrote an essay for Newsweek titled "How Does Reagan Decide?" As

a liberal Democrat, she observed something that even many of

Reagan's closest c***ervative ***ers failed to understand-that

he made decisi*** like a labor negotiator for a workers' union. She

summed up part of his decision-*** style like this:

　　The long waiting out of the adversary, the immobility meanwhile,

the refusal to give anything until the last moment, the

willingness- nonetheless-finally to yield to superior pressure or

force or particular circumstance on almost everything, but only

with something to show in return, and only if the final deal can be

interpreted as furthering the original Reagan objective.

　　Reagan was also an unusual boss. Those who worked for him liked

him. They did not necessarily agree with all of his policies, but

they still found him pleasant and friendly. He didn't criticize his

advisers in front of others. He didn't chew people out. He didn't

reprimand them, he didn't complain to them face-to-face-and he

never yelled at them. Sometimes he might look a little disappointed

when things went wrong, but you rarely felt a sense of failure or

humiliation.

　　When people first met Reagan, they often thought he was too

easygoing and friendly to be tough. The impression was like a soft

down pillow. What people failed to see was the two-inch-thick rod

of steel right down the inside of the pillow.

　　Perhaps the most important key to Reagan's success was the

quality of his advisers and staff. Individually the men and women

in his staff were very different, and they all had skills that

matched the jobs they held. But the one thing they all shared was

that they were all smart and sensible. Some presidents have felt

uncomfortable with brilliant men and women; Reagan thrived on

them.

　　Even his political opponents noted that the group of advisers and

staff was unusual. Robert Strauss, perhaps the most savvy Democrat

around when Reagan was elected, called Reagan's staff "simply

spectacular. It's the best White House staff I've ever seen."

　　President Reagan's management philosophy was best summed up when

a reporter asked: "Your friend Roger Smith, chairman of General

Motors, says that you've done a great job of focusing on the big

picture without getting bogged down in detail. How do you decide

which problems to address personally, and which to leave to

subordinates?" Reagan replied:

　　You surround yourself with the best people you can find, delegate

authority, and don't interfere as long as the overall policy that

you've decided upon is being carried out.

　　In the Cabinet meetings-and some members of the Cabinet who have

been members of other Cabinets told me there have never been such

meetings- I use a system in which I want to hea***hat everybody

wants to say honestly. I want the decisi*** made on what is right

o***rong, what is good or bad for the people of this country. I

encourage all the input I can get....

　　And when I've heard all that I need to make a decision, I don't

take a vote.

　　I make the decision.

　　Then I expect every one of them, whether their views have carried

the day or not, to go forward together in carrying out the

policy.

　　All this does not mean that Reagan was some kind of superhuman

who could not be riled or upset. In fact, one of the most

unappreciated facets of Reagan's characte***as his temper; it

flared rarely, but was memorable when it did. If Reagan was

crossed-crossed badly-he exploded into what could be called a black

Irish rage. His face darkened, his jaw muscles clenched and bulged,

and his lips got thin and tight. In public he might show sporadic

flashes of displeasure, but never real anger. It wasn't that he did

not get angry, but rather that he usually covered it up.

　　During his presidential campaign, on one of those rare occasi***

of real fury-a well-justified one, we might add-we watched him lean

back a bit, reach up and grab the right side of his eyeglasses, rip

the glasses off, and fling them across the room into the wall

closest to him. After he smashed his glasses into the wall, he

calmed down quickly and carried on. No one who was there can

remembe***hat happened to the eyeglasses. That kind of outburst

didn't happen often- but it did happen.

　　Once during the campaign in 1976 Reagan was holding an impromptu

press conference outside a building with a narrow alley. Some of

the reporters were asking questi*** that had an insulting tone.

After Reagan finished answering the last question, he turned and

headed through the alley into the building, with the Secret Service

clearing the way. When he was about halfway down the alley, one of

the reporters, a particularly provocative one, yelled: "What's the

matter? Are you afraid to answer the question?"

　　Reagan stopped, his face turning red. Abruptly he turned and

headed back out through the alley. His eyes were blazing, focused

on the heckle***aiting outside. As he moved through the alley, one

of the advisers was standing in the way. Reagan, with one swift

thrust of his arm, shoved him aside, slamming him against the wall.

Outside he angrily answered the reporter's question, then turned

back and went into the building. (The fellow he "moved" was

fine.)

　　Another rare example of what could make Reagan upset was a

rewritten draft of one of his speeches. One day, Peter Hannaford,

one of his oldest and most valued speechwriters, handed him a new

redraft of a major speech for him to read on the plane. Reagan

smiled, slipped on his reading glasses, and started to read. After

two or three pages, his eyebrows narrowed and his jaw tightened.

Then, after reading the next page, he lifted it, raised it high in

the air, and slammed it down hard onto the small pile he had just

read. He continued to read, slamming each succeeding page down

harder and harder. It was clear he didn't like the redraft of the

speech.

　　After Reagan had been in office for nearly six months, very few

people understood his foreign policy. It especially bothered some

of the reporters writing about him. They feared that he was on a

course that could be dangerous, even leading the United States to a

nuclea***ar. It was true that Reagan had never spelled out a

detailed picture of what he wished to do in foreign policy, but it

did not seem to bother him. A letter he dictated to a friend, John

O. Koehl...

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编辑推荐

　　On February 6, 1981, at his first National Security Council

meeting, Ronald Reagan told his advisers: “I will make the

decisi***.” As Reagan’s Secret War reveals, these words provide the

touchstone for understanding the extraordinary accomplishments of

the Reagan administration, including the decisive events that led

to the end of the Cold War.

　　　In penning this book, New York Times bestselling authors Martin

Anderson and Annelise Anderson drew upon their unprecedented access

to more than eight million highly classified documents housed

within the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library in Simi Valley,

California—unseen by the public until now. Using his top secret

clearances, Martin Anderson was able to access Ronald Reagan’s most

privileged exchanges with subordinates and world leaders as well as

the tactical record of how Reagan fought to win the Cold War and

control nuclea***eap***.

　　　The most revelatory of these documents are the minutes of

Reagan-chaired National Security Council meetings, the dozens of

secret letters sent by Reagan to world leaders, and the eyewitness

notes from Reagan-Gorbachev summits. Along with these findings, the

authors use Reagan’s speeches, radio addresses, personal diaries,

and other correspondence to develop a striking picture of a man

whose incisive intelligence, uncanny instincts, and quiet

self-confidence changed the course of history.

　　　What emerges from this treasure trove of material is irrefutable

evidence that Reagan intended from his first days in office to

bring down the Soviet Union, that he c***idered eliminating nuclear

weap*** his paramount objective, and that he—not his

subordinates—was the principal architect of the policies that

ultimately brought the Soviets to the nuclear-arms negotiating

table. The authors also affirm that many of Reagan’s ideas,

including his controversial “Star Wars” missile-defense initiative,

proved essential in dissolving the Soviet Union and keeping America

safe.

　　　Riveting and eye-opening, Reagan’s Secret War provides a

front-row seat to history, a journey into the political mind of a

remarkable leader, and proof that one man can, through the force of

his deep convicti***, bring about sweeping global change.

　　　From the Hardcover edition.

媒体评论

　　“Reagan’s Secret War may change forever the image held by

many. . . . With unprecedented access to his private papers,

including his personal diary, the Anders*** present a deeply

involved and adroit leader.”

　　—Henry A. Kissinger

　　“Artfully and accurately explains how, when, and where . . . All

who are interested in the elimination of nuclea***eap*** should

read Reagan’s Secret War.”

　　—James A. Baker III, 61st U.S. Secretary of State

　　“An immense contribution . . . the authors have defied

assumpti*** about what Reagan thought and said and conducted

painstaking research to get at the truth of what he really planned

and executed. All of us who are gripped by the transcendent

importance of the nuclear threat will learn, and be inspired, by

this account.”

　　—from the Foreword by Ge***e P. Shultz, former Secretary of

State

　　“Ronald Reagan’ s steadfast commitment to abolish all nuclear

weap*** is brought to life in Martin and Annelise Anderson’s

captivating narrative. . . . If the world makes it to the

nuclear-free mountaintop, we will have President Reagan to thank

for inspiring our climb.”

　　—Sam ***n, former Senator, cochairman, Nuclear Threat

Initiative

　　“Superb . . . The authors’ unique access to previously classified

materials and to the president’ s personal documents enabled them

to write the most complete and accurate account of this historic

effort.”

　　—Ed Meese, former U.S. Attorney General

　　“Compelling . . . a valuable contribution to understanding the

Reagan legacy.”

　　—Lou Cannon, author of President Reagan: The Role of a

Lifetime

书籍介绍

On February 6, 1981, at his first National Security Council meeting, Ronald Reagan told his advisers: “I will make the decisi***.” As Reagan’s Secret War reveals, these words provide the touchstone for understanding the extraordinary accomplishments of the Reagan administration, including the decisive events that led to the end of the Cold War.

In penning this book, New York Times bestselling authors Martin Anderson and Annelise Anderson drew upon their unprecedented access to more than eight million highly classified documents housed within the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library in Simi Valley, California—unseen by the public until now. Using his top secret clearances, Martin Anderson was able to access Ronald Reagan’s most privileged exchanges with subordinates and world leaders as well as the tactical record of how Reagan fought to win the Cold War and control nuclea***eap***.

The most revelatory of these documents are the minutes of Reagan-chaired National Security Council meetings, the dozens of secret letters sent by Reagan to world leaders, and the eyewitness notes from Reagan-Gorbachev summits. Along with these findings, the authors use Reagan’s speeches, radio addresses, personal diaries, and other correspondence to develop a striking picture of a man whose incisive intelligence, uncanny instincts, and quiet self-confidence changed the course of history.

What emerges from this treasure trove of material is irrefutable evidence that Reagan intended from his first days in office to bring down the Soviet Union, that he c***idered eliminating nuclea***eap*** his paramount objective, and that he—not his subordinates—was the principal architect of the policies that ultimately brought the Soviets to the nuclear-arms negotiating table. The authors also affirm that many of Reagan’s ideas, including his controversial “Star Wars” missile-defense initiative, proved essential in dissolving the Soviet Union and keeping America safe.

Riveting and eye-opening, Reagan’s Secret War provides a front-row seat to history, a journey into the political mind of a remarkable leader, and proof that one man can, through the force of his deep convicti***, bring about sweeping global change.

From the Hardcover edition.